ECT at the crossroad in Senate selection fraud saga

Amidst mounting pressure from the opposition and the civil society, the Election Commission of Thailand (ECT) is convening this coming Monday (14 September) to rule whether to prosecute the 229 individuals accused of fraud during the 2024 Senate selection.

A controversial selection

The incumbent senators came into office in July 2024 following a complex self-selection process marked from the beginning by controversies.

The system was the brainchild of the Constitution Drafting Committee, led by Meechai Ruchupan, supposedly designed to eliminate political influence over the Senate and increase the diversity of senators. Candidates register by social and professional groups and senators qualify through both intra- and inter-group elections through a multi-level voting system at the district, provincial, and national levels. 

The civil society have observed at the time of the selection that, instead of increasing public participation and diversity in the upper house, the process made it more difficult to participate as only candidates are allowed to vote and the general public was not allowed to closely observe the process. Meanwhile, 120 - 130 senators have been noted as voting in bloc on several motions. They came to be called the “Blue Senators” because of their alleged affiliation with the Bhumjaithai Party.

Allegations of collusion, vote rigging, and fraud soon arose. In March 2025, the Department of Special Investigation (DSI) launched an investigation into alleged collusion during the Senate selection with monetary offers being made to candidates. According to the DSI’s initial investigation, the acts constituted offences under Section 77 of the Organic Act on the Installation of Senators, under criminal laws regarding secret societies, and under the Money Laundering Act. The DSI eventually voted. 11:4 to take the case as a money laundering investigation.

Tawee Sodsong, then the Minister of Justice, said that the DSI had around 7,000 witnesses, 3,000 of whom were present during the national level selection.

In June 2025, Bhumjaithai left the government coalition led by the Pheu Thai Party, reportedly over the leaked phone call between then-Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra and Cambodian Senate President Hun Sen. When Paetongtarn was dismissed by the Constitutional Court in late August 2025, parliament elected Bhumjaithai Party leader Anutin Charnvirakul to replace her.

In December 2025,  the DSI decided to indict 8 individuals, among whom were 2 senators, of money laundering.

On 17 July 2025, the 26th investigation committee, a joint committee formed by the ECT and the DSI, recommended the prosecution of all 229 individuals.

On 15 September 2025, soon after Anutin became Prime Minister, a set of documents was issued by Kanchit Charoen-in, Deputy Secretary-General of the ECT acting on behalf of ECT Secretary-General Sawaeng Boonmee. Kanchit proposed prosecuting 136 senators, 1 Cabinet minister, and 2 MPs. However, he proposed that the charges against Anutin and a number of Bhumjaithai Party executives be dismissed because he believes witness testimonies are insufficient.

It was reported on 12 March 2026 that the ECT’s 36th Subcommittee, formed in September 2025 to rule whether to act on the proposal of the 26th investigation committee and refer the case to court. It eventually voted 5 to 2 to dismiss the case entirely.

According to People’s Party MP Parit Wacharasindhu, an ECT representative told the House Standing Committee on independent bodies that the 35th subcommittee’s workload was too much for it to take a case that needs to be carefully considered.

The House Committee and Parit himself have both asked the ECT to provide information on what the 36th subcommittee have done in regards to the investigation, but the information was never delivered. The House Committee met on 18 June 2026 to discuss the Senate selection fraud case, but the ECT representatives taking part in the meeting did not explain the role of the 36th Subcommittee. Questions were therefore raised about the 36th Subcommittee’s function and whether it was an attempt to steer the case in favour of the accused.

Former election commissioner Somchai Srisutthiyakorn alleged that investigators from the 26th investigation committee were never summoned to speak to the 36th Subcommittee, and the Subcommittee never considered the over 10,000 pages of primary evidence. He claimed that its meetings mostly consisted of listening to its secretaries summarising the 26th committee’s case file. He also questioned its interpretation of the law, raising concerns that too narrow an interpretation might mean the Subcommittee does not see the political connection.

People’s Party MP Chayapon Satondee has also alleged that members of the 36th Subcommittee participated in the ECT’s Advanced Certificate Course in Politics and Election Development and the Constitutional Court’s Rule of Law for Democracy programme along with several people accused of Senate selection fraud. Participating in these programme does not mean they committed an offense, Chayapon said, but it is questionable whether connection between these individuals affect the neutrality of the Subcommittee.

Who are the accused?

The 229 individuals included 138 sitting senators, 50 candidates and individuals on the reserve list, 21 Bhumjaithai politicians, and 20 other individuals linked to Bhumjaithai politicians, including family members, former MP candidates, MP assistants, and local politicians.

The list was released to the public in late July, when iLaw submitted information to the opposition requesting an investigation into 9 politicians allegedly involved with collusion during the Senate selection, including Anutin and 5 other sitting Cabinet ministers.

Among the 138 senators accused, 14 are from Buriram, Bhumjaithai’s main stronghold, where local MPs are also accused. Also on the list are Newin Chidchob, the patriarch of the province’s main political dynasty, and his son Chaichanok, the current Minister of Digital Economy and Society.

Other politicians are included on the list who are members of Bhumjaithai-affiliated political dynasties, like Prime Minister’s Office Minister Paradorn Prisnanantakul and his brother Koravee who is an MP for Ang Thong, and deputy Interior Minister Jeseth Thaiseth, son of Uthai Thani politician Chada Thaiseth. There are also Bhumjaithai MPs from Si Saket, Ayutthaya, Phichit, Satun, Leoi, Buriram, Krabi, Surat Thani, Ubon Ratchathani, Sukothai, and Amnat Charoen.

Parit said during an event organised by the opposition that, according to several witnesses, there is an attempt to take over the Senate and that individuals involved in the collusion targeted smaller provinces because it would require less people to ensure that a candidate aligned with said group get to the national level. 

ECT in the hot seat 

The Senate and the ECT has been put in the spotlight over  the past few months as the opposition and the legal watchdog NGO iLaw and the opposition began releasing evidence of vote rigging and collusion and alleging that high-ranking Bhumjaithai members, including Cabinet ministers, were involved. 

iLaw said that observers began noticing abnormalities on the day of the national-level selection. A large number of candidates were seen wearing the same yellow shirt and black jacket and carrying the same document folder. Observers noticed that they tend to move around in groups. When leaving the Impact Forum, one group left together and was picked up by vans parked behind IMPACT Challenger Hall, where there were no people around. One of the vehicles had a Buriram license plate.

Some candidates were winning an unusually high number of votes while others got none. It has also been noted that provinces that are known Bhumjaithai strongholds have several senators in each province, such as in Buriram, where 14 candidates were selected, or Ang Thong, where 6 were selected.

iLaw director Yingcheep Atchanont told the101world that, according to the DSI’s meeting minute, the candidates wore yellow shirts to blend in with ECT officials at the selection so they would be able to walk around or go to the toilet without being followed as people might think they work for the ECT. Nantawat Saksakulkunakorn from the ConForAll Network said during the same interview that, according to candidates, the yellow-clad candidates tend to gather in the toilet. Afterwards, a crumpled piece of paper was found on the floor containing number of candidates.

Video clips were released by People’s Party MP Parit Wacharasindhu and former election inspector Pol Col Manas Nakornsri showing officials walking around and asking candidates to hand over their notes, telling the candidates to vote honestly. One of the officials was identified as election commissioner Thitichet Nutchanart, while one of the candidates was now-Senate President MongkoL Surasajja. In one video clip, ECT officials were seen putting confiscated notes into their pockets.

The ECT issued a press release saying that it was not illegal to bring documents or notes into the selection venue as there is no law explicitly prohibiting candidates from doing so. However, the ECT issued a resolution on 26 June 2024 prohibiting candidates from bringing documents into the inter-group voting round. It may not be illegal, but the ECT is free to issue regulations for order during the selection, so such notes must be confiscated when found.

Citing leaked official documents and witness testimonies, iLaw have released information from the investigation to the public, including concerning vote buying in several provinces. Former candidates have come forward saying they were offered money in exchange for voting for specific individuals. 

In Surat Thani, for example, iLaw alleged that Subin Sakda, who claimed to be an assistant to local Bhumjaitai MP Pichai Chomphupol, transferred money to around 10 candidates during the provincial level selection. Among them is a former candidate named Nattapong Saroj, who later testified to the DSI. During an event iLaw organised on 23 August, Nattapong said he received a phone call from a local MP assistant offering him 3,000 baht and asking him to “help the boss,” which he believes refer to the MP. He also received an offer of an additional 2,000 baht at the provincial level.

And in Nong Bua Lamphu, witnesses said that Sorachart Wichaya Suwannaphrom, who later became senator, transferred money to Pannipa Pasuk, who then transferred a total of around 105,000 baht to at least 7 candidates. Some were invited to the Tara Grand Hotel in Pathum Thani, where they met Sorachart and Pannipa and was offered 500,000 baht each. Pannipa also transferred money for their travel and gave them a yellow shirt.

According to an opinion issued by Kanchit Charoen-in, Deputy Secretary-General of the ECT, which iLaw released, Kanchit believes that the ECT should prosecute Sorachart, noting that Sorachart transferred money to Pannipa several times and Pannipa transferred money to candidates. Given this, and the fact that they have a child together, Kanchit said there is enough reason to believe Sorachart and Pannipa were either accomplices or know what the other was doing.

Both iLaw and the opposition have also made allegations about a vote rigging scheme where candidates were taken to hotel conference rooms and instructed to vote for a certain group. Witnesses say they had their phones confiscated while in these meetings and were told to to make a table in the last page of their introduction document and write down numbers of candidates to use during the selection. Documents found during the investigation contain the number of 140 candidates.

Several witnesses said they were given money and gifts, as well as had their travel and hotel stay paid for.

It was also found that a large number of ballots contain the number on the document in the same order. According to People’s Party MP Phanida Mongkolsawat, the same pattern occurred in several groups, where 10 candidates were getting a notably high number of votes. During the afternoon round where candidates vote across groups, 6 out of the 10 candidates from the morning round emerge with a high vote count.

Direk Pornseema, a former candidate from Maha Sarakham, said he attempted to raise the issue to ECT officials during the national-level selection. He said he noticed that the bellots being counted look identical, so he asked the officials if they were counting old ballots. He also said there were around 20 candidates in his group that did not get any vote.

iLaw also release information from the DSI’s case file, including call logs showing phone calls from several candidates from Ang Thong to Paradorn and Koravee Prisnanantakul on the night of the national-level selection, when vote counting was still in progress. The location of both the callers and Koravee is shown to be Muang Thong Thani, where the selection took place. By law, senator candidates are prohibited from using communication devices throughout the selection process.

Phanida said that now-senator Alongkot Worakee, former deputy governor. of Buriram, called Deputy Interior Minister Jeseth Thaiseth 31 time and called Bhumjaithai MP and Jeseth’s father Chada 3 times. Although making these calls is not wrong, Phanida said that it shows the relationship between politicians and individuals who became senators.

Phone signals for at least 40 senators were found at the Pullman Hotel on 21 July 2024. Parit said that all 40 senators are being accused of fraud.

On Thursday (10 September), iLaw published information from the 26th investigation committee’s case, which recommended the prosection of Bhumjaithai Party executives.

According to the case file, Bhumjaithai MPs were instructed to recruit senator candidates, who were offered money in exchange for joining the scheme. At the national level, one candidate is tasked with covering the costs of travel, food, and hotel stay for other candidates in their network. Witnesses say the party aimed to win around 120 seats in the Senate.

After the national-level selection, senators-to-be were asked to meet at the Kingpower Hotel in Bangkok, where they met Newin and given instructions. Newin also chose one senator among the “Blue-aligned” group to become Senate president.

The 26th investigation committee ruled that, given the evidence and witness testimony, Bhumjaithai Party executives and their network were colluding in a nationwide scheme to win seats in the Senate and use their positions to ensure the plan succeed. By taking part in the scheme, candidates were not voting independently, while their action also mean the selection was not held in secret. This is unconstitutional and an offense under the Organic Act on the Acquisition of Senators.

iLaw have also reported that, in many provinces, candidates were not running the groups that fit their profession. In Ang Thong, the stronghold of the Bhumjaithai-aligned Prisnanantakul family, none of the group 12 candidates in Pa Mok district were industrial operators. Most wrote on their introduction document that they “work for hire,” while one said they were a deputy village chief.

Meanwhile, in group 17, candidates in every district wrote that they were village health volunteers. The group is supposed to be for NGOs, civil society groups, and public interest organizations, but village health volunteers are paid by the state.  It is also not a profession and several candidates wrote that they have other jobs, from agriculture to “work for hire.”

iLaw also noticed that the group 17 candidates write very similar introduction or wear similar clothes in their photos. In Wiset Chai Chan district, they wrote that they were part of medical mobile units. In Samko district, all candidates wore a polo shirt with a village health volunteer logo on the left pocket in their photos. In Muang district, they all wear white collared shirts and a jacket.

Similar phenomenon have been noted in other provinces. In Buriram, group 16 candidates (arts, culture, and sports) wrote that they participated in cultural events, while several group 17 candidates wore the same shirt and tie in their photos and wrote that they were village health volunteers.

Chanchai Chaiyapit, a senator from Buriram, ran as a candidate in group 17. iLaw noted that he is an educator, a school principal, and President of the Association of Provincial Kindergarten Executive and Teachers. However, said association was registered in Buriram on 15 August 2023. Another association with the same name was registered in Bangkok in June 2011, but Chanchai’s introduction document said he was president between 2021-2023, or around 3 years, when the law requires 10 years of experience in a profession to run for the Senate.

Meanwhile, in Amnat Charoen, 2 senators from group 10 (large enterprises) did not appear to own businesses that would qualify for the group. Senator Daeng Kongma said she sells pork. According to iLaw, Daeng has a stall at a local market, but does not appear to have enough employees or make enough profit to be a large enterprise. 

Senator Sompan Palasak wrote in his introduction document that he sells chicken noodle soup, but later said in an interview that he actually sells fish ball noodle. iLaw attempted to check his claim but could not find the shop on Google Map. They found a picture online of Sompan working in a restaurant called “Krua Ton Kradon,” while his Facebook profile states that he works for “Nai Pan Noodles.” A witness visited a chicken noodle shop in Amnat Charoen and was told by an employee that Sompan used to work there but was not the owner. Nonetheless, each shop mentioned has been opened for less than 10 years and does not appear to employ enough people or make enough profit to be a large enterprise. 

What’s next?

Demands continued to be made for the ECT to prosecute all 229 individuals and refer the case to the Supreme Court so that evidence can be heard in court. Although the ECT previously said it would rule on the case by the end of August, it said on 28 August that it will rule whether to refer the case to court on 14 September.

Civil society organizations have said that the ECT must refer the case to court so that the evidence can heard during a trial. And because the ECT’s legitimacy has been under scrutiny due to the connection between commissioners and the Bhumjaithai Party, it should not be making a decision and should simply send the case to court.

Election commissioners are appointed on the Senate’s approval and 4 out of the 7 sitting commissioners were approved by the incumbent Senate. Not only that, as noted by the Constitutional Advocacy Alliance (CALL), 3 out of the 7 sitting commissioners were once bureaucrats under a Bhumjaithai minister. Some members of the nomination committee for election commissioners are also connected to Bhumjaithai-aligned politicians and senators.

Under the 2018 Organic Act on the Acquisition of Senators, the ECT must refer a case to court if there is reasonable evidence of fraud. Once the Supreme Court accepts the complaint, senators implicated in the case will automatically be suspended.

The ECT previously refer to the Supreme Court a case against a number of senator candidates over messages agreeing to vote for each other. The Supreme Court subsequently found them guilty and ban them from running in elections for 10 years, ruling that even trading votes is fraudulent as it means candidates are not voting freely or because of another candidate’s professional experience.

The ECT has also referred to court the case of 7 candidates from Roi Et accused of vote buying.

Concerns have also been raised that, if the ECT dismisses the case, it could also affect the DSI’s ongoing investigation. Phanida said that the DSI might close the case if the ECT does not prosecute the accused, but even if it does, DSI investigators will not be testifying in court as they were transferred to another unit.

Several abnormalities have been noted over the past weeks as the People’s Party and iLaw ramp up the pressure by releasing evidence and bringing witnesses to speak at events. Rumours have been circulating that Pol Capt Piya Raksakun, director-general of the Department of Probation, will soon be appointed director of the DSI. Concerns were raised as Pol Capt Piya sat on the ECT’s 36th subcommittee and was among those who voted to dismiss the Senate election fraud case and the DSI is separately investigating alleged criminal association and money laundering associated with the Senate selection.

Meanwhile, the House of Representatives’ Standing Committee on Police Affairs summoned Parit and Yingcheep to give a statement on the leaked documents after the DSI filed a complaint with the Crime Suppression Division over the leak on 25 August. The Chair of the committee insisted that he was doing his job and that he was not trying to obstruct the opposition.

On 3 September, when parliament was supposed to discuss the ECT’s annual report, Bhumjaithai MPs proposed moving up an urgent motion on the Deep South. The House Speaker adjourned the meeting following arguments between MPs. Parliament has also dropped its Friday session (11 September) after delays and interruptions caused the debate on the budget bill to run past the original schedule of 7-9 September. The opposition has accused the ruling Bhumjaithai Party of protecting the ECT and trying to delay debate on its function until after 14 September.

With the case now in its final stretch, the civil society are staging protests in several provinces to demand prosecution. iLaw have said several times that, if the ECT decide not to indict any one of the 229 accused, it will release the information it has on that individuals. A final gathering has also been called this Sunday (13 September) at the Bangkok Art and Culture Centre.