NASS’s excessive recess demands scrutiny
PARLIAMENT is central to democracy. In Nigeria, however, the National Assembly has increasingly become a symbol of legislative indolence, constitutional disregard and extravagant self-interest. Lawmakers who should hold the government accountable routinely flout their own obligations while drawing hefty salaries and allowances at public expense.
On July 23, members of the National Assembly embarked on their annual recess, scheduled to end on September 15. They extended it by another two weeks, stretching their vacation to 68 days, citing renovation work in the chambers.
They eventually resumed plenary on September 29, only to adjourn the same day again until October 13, ostensibly to prepare for the forthcoming National Security Summit.
This is legislative absenteeism dressed up as official business. At a time when Nigerians face worsening insecurity, economic hardship and stalled infrastructure projects, the country can ill afford a parliament that treats plenary sessions as optional.
Section 63 of the 1999 Constitution requires the Senate and House of Representatives to sit for at least 181 days in a year. Yet both chambers have repeatedly fallen short.
In 2021, the House reportedly sat for just 70 days and the Senate for 66. In 2025, lawmakers reportedly managed only 141 days. In the first quarter of 2026, they sat for just 17 days out of about 90.
The record of the 10th National Assembly, inaugurated in June 2023, raises serious questions about its commitment to legislative duties. The problem is compounded by lawmakers who fail to attend plenary even when the chambers are open.
Such absenteeism should attract enforceable sanctions, including proportionate deductions from their remuneration where legally justified.
The cost of this indolence extends beyond wasted sitting days. The 2027 budget cycle demands urgent legislative attention, yet the government continues to struggle with overlapping budget implementation periods.
The delayed release of capital funds has stalled infrastructure projects, strained local contractors and undermined economic activity. Some contractors are reportedly owed more than N4 trillion, pushing businesses to the brink.
Against this backdrop, the National Assembly recently approved yet another extension of the implementation period for the capital component of the 2025 budget, moving the deadline from September 30 to December 31, 2026. It was the fourth extension.
A parliament serious about accountability would demand explanations for persistent budget delays, scrutinise spending and press the executive to meet its obligations.
Instead, the National Assembly appears content to approve extensions without adequately confronting the failures that necessitate them. Its oversight function is being sacrificed on the altar of executive convenience.
Worse, legislative productivity is often undermined by the conduct of lawmakers themselves.
Reports of members sleeping during plenary and failing to make meaningful contributions reinforce public perceptions of a legislature detached from the problems of ordinary Nigerians.
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This is particularly galling given their extraordinary remuneration. Nigerian senators have been reported to receive about N21 million monthly, including running costs, alongside other substantial benefits. These figures have long fuelled public outrage over the opaque and excessive cost of maintaining the legislature.
The contrast with the United States is instructive. Members of the US Congress earn a basic annual salary of $174,000, without a separate federal housing allowance. Some have reportedly slept in their congressional offices to reduce living costs in Washington, DC.
The comparison is not exact, given differences in institutional arrangements and expenses, but it highlights the need for transparency and restraint in Nigeria.
The constituency projects scheme adds another layer of concern. Ranking senators are reportedly allocated N2 billion annually, while House members receive N1 billion for such projects.
Yet questions persist about project selection, execution, quality and accountability. Former President Muhammadu Buhari lamented that about N1 trillion had been wasted on constituency projects over the decade to 2019.
Where public funds are allocated without demonstrable results, the legislature must answer for the failure of oversight.
The National Assembly cannot credibly demand discipline from the executive while displaying so little discipline itself. Nor can lawmakers continue to enjoy lavish public-funded benefits while treating attendance, scrutiny and representation as optional extras.
Nigerians must demand greater accountability from their representatives. Constituents can petition the National Assembly’s Clerk over alleged misconduct and use the 2027 elections to reject lawmakers whose records reveal persistent absenteeism or poor performance. But public pressure must be matched by institutional reform.
The rules governing attendance, sitting days, remuneration and legislative performance need urgent review. Lawmakers who absent themselves without valid justification should face meaningful penalties, while parliamentary business must be organised to ensure that constitutional duties are fulfilled.
The publication of attendance records and clearer disclosure of allowances and constituency project expenditure would also strengthen accountability.
Ultimately, Nigeria should reconsider whether it needs a full-time legislature operating at such enormous cost.
A part-time model, with remuneration tied more closely to actual duties performed, deserves serious debate. Any such reform must, however, preserve the legislature’s capacity to scrutinise the executive, enact laws and represent constituents effectively.
There is nothing distinguished or honourable about truancy, waste and indifference to public suffering. The National Assembly must either justify its enormous cost to Nigerians or submit to fundamental reform. Public office is a duty, not a paid holiday.
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