One person, one vote: A redelineation action proposal — Lim Teck Ghee

OCTOBER 15 — A plan, needing only a simple majority in Parliament, to end the worst vote-value gaps in Malaysia — if the Election Commission starts now.

In Selangor, a voter in Sabak Bernam has roughly six times the say in who goes to Parliament as a voter in Bangi. 

Nationally, the largest constituency has about 10 times as many voters as the smallest. 

That is not one person, one vote. It can be fixed before the next general election, without amending the Constitution and without any state losing a single seat.

The window is open now. The eight-year Constitutional freeze on redrawing Peninsular boundaries ended in March 2026, and the Sabah and Sarawak freezes have also lapsed. 

But time is short. Every step must be completed before Parliament is dissolved for GE16. If it is not, the next election will be fought on the 2018 map.

Summary

The problem. Some voters’ ballots count six times more than others’, even within the same state.

The fix. Redraw boundaries so that no constituency is more than one-third above or below its state’s average number of voters.

What it needs. A simple majority in the Dewan Rakyat. No Constitutional amendment is required, and no state loses a seat.

The deadline. The Election Commission’s report must be approved before Parliament is dissolved, which will happen automatically on December 19, 2027 at the very latest.

The author argues that Malaysia can make votes more equal before GE16 by redrawing constituency boundaries within states using a clear one-third population-variance rule. — Bernama pic

1. The problem

Bangi, in Selangor, has more than 300,000 voters. Sabak Bernam, in the same state, has about 51,000. 

A vote cast in Sabak Bernam is therefore worth roughly six times as much as one cast in Bangi.

Population growth, urban migration and the Undi18 reforms — automatic voter registration and a voting age of 18 — added millions of new voters, most of them in fast-growing urban and suburban seats such as Bangi and Damansara. 

The 2018 boundaries were not drawn for this electorate. The result is a map in which where you live decides how much your vote is worth.

2. Why it matters to every Malaysian

Equal voice. Every citizen’s ballot should carry roughly the same weight. Today it depends on your postcode.

Fair competition. Lopsided boundaries let parties win majorities that do not reflect how people voted, and have long fed suspicion of gerrymandering. Clear, published rules make manipulation much harder.

Better service and fairer spending. One MP cannot properly serve 300,000 constituents. Over-represented areas also attract a disproportionate share of political attention and public money.

Trust in elections. A transparent, data-driven review rebuilds confidence in the Election Commission and gives young and first-time voters a reason to turn out.

3. The plan: The one-third rule, applied within each state

Section 2(c) of the Thirteenth Schedule to the Federal Constitution already provides that the number of electors in each constituency within a state ought to be approximately equal, while allowing some extra weight for rural areas that are harder to reach. This plan gives that principle a measurable target:

No state gains or loses seats. Perlis keeps three, Pahang keeps 14 and Selangor keeps 22.

Calculate each state’s average number of voters per seat.

Redraw boundaries so that every seat falls within one-third (±33 per cent) of that average, aiming for ±25 per cent wherever geography allows. Rural weightage stays, but within a defined limit.

Worked example: Selangor

Selangor’s 22 parliamentary seats average about 167,000 voters each. Under the one-third rule, every seat would need to fall between roughly 111,000 and 222,000 voters.

Bangi, with more than 300,000 voters, is about 80 per cent above the state average and would have to shrink. 

Sabak Bernam, with about 51,000, is about 69 per cent below the average and would have to grow. 

Making these adjustments, and similar ones across the state, brings every Selangor seat into a defensible range.

4. Why this is legal and politically passable

Simple majority only. Redrawing boundaries within each state needs only a simple majority to approve the Election Commission’s report in the Dewan Rakyat. The 2018 report was passed this way.

No Constitutional amendment. Changing the number of seats allocated to each state means amending Article 46, which requires a two-thirds majority (148 of 222 MPs). 

This plan leaves Article 46 untouched.

The timing is lawful. Article 113 allows a review once eight years have passed since the last one and requires it to be completed within two years. The Peninsular freeze ended in March 2026.

It has been done this quickly before. The previous Peninsular review, begun in 2016, went from start to Dewan Rakyat approval in roughly 18 months.

The arithmetic works, the Constitution allows it, and the timeline is viable. What is missing is the decision to start.

5. Sabah and Sarawak: complementary, not competing

The Federal government has agreed in principle to restore Sabah and Sarawak to one-third of Dewan Rakyat seats, in line with the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63), and talks with the Election Commission have begun. 

That is a separate track: adding seats requires amending Article 46 by a two-thirds majority, as well as wide consultation.

The two reforms should run in parallel. Fixing the gaps within each state does not depend on the outcome of the MA63 seat talks, and it must not be delayed while those talks continue.

6. The timetable

Now to December 2026. The Election Commission formally notifies the Speaker and the prime minister. The first proposed maps are gazetted and put on public display for one month.

January to March 2027. The first round of local enquiries hears objections.

April to June 2027. The Commission revises the maps where justified, followed by a second one-month display if revisions are made.

July to September 2027. A second round of local enquiries is held, and the Commission submits its final report to the prime minister.

October to November 2027. The report is tabled at the Budget sitting and passed by a simple majority.

Before dissolution. The order giving effect to the new boundaries is made and gazetted. Parliament dissolves automatically on December 19, 2027 if it is not dissolved earlier. This is the hard stop.

The schedule is tight but achievable, provided the Commission begins before the end of 2026 and Parliament is not dissolved before the report is passed.

7. Answering the critics

“Isn’t this too rushed?”

The Constitution allows two years. This plan uses about 18 months, matching the last Peninsular review, and keeps every public display and enquiry step required by law.

“What about rural voters?”

Rural weightage remains, as the Constitution intends. The one-third rule simply caps it, so that weightage cannot become a six-to-one distortion.

“Does this fix the gaps between states?”

Not fully, and we should say so plainly. Imbalances between states need an Article 46 amendment and a two-thirds majority. This plan fixes the worst distortions now, with the votes that exist today, as a first step.

“Who benefits politically?”

Voters do, and so does the nation. Some safe seats will become competitive, which is why incumbents of every party may object. A published, uniform rule applied to every state is the best guarantee of neutrality.

8. Call to action

To the Election Commission: Formally begin the review before the end of 2026, and publish the target variance and the data for every proposed seat.

To the prime minister: Commit to tabling the final report promptly and to not dissolving Parliament before it is decided.

To all MPs and political parties: Pledge publicly to support a fair realignment within each state, whatever its effect on your own seat.

To civil society, the media and voters: Follow the display periods, file objections where boundaries are unfair, and ask your MP where they stand.

A fairer map before GE16 is within reach. All it takes is the political will to begin.

Note: Voter figures are based on the GE15 electoral roll and should be updated with the latest Election Commission data before release.

* This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of Malay Mail.