Can Sabah and Sarawak resist the tide of religious conservatism?

Sabah and Sarawak have long been touted as examples of what Malaysian unity is supposed to look like. We are told that in these two states, people of various faiths and races live together effortlessly.

Apparently, everyone in East Malaysia celebrates each other’s festivals as a family. There are no reservations among those of different faiths or suspicions that one group is out to get another.

I am told that in Sabah and Sarawak, people of different races even sit at the same table in a coffeeshop.

This scenario harkens back to a time when Malay Muslims in the peninsula were not as conservative as they are nowadays — a time when they were more relaxed and would mix well with other Malaysians.

That is in stark contrast to the Taliban-like mentality we encounter these days.

Unfortunately, it seem religious and racial parochialism may have now arrived on Sabah and Sarawak’s shores.

A Sarawakian MP’s concern about primary schoolers not wanting to sit next to pork-consuming or crucifix-wearing classmates is the most damning proof that conservatism has set foot in East Malaysia.

In truth, religious conservatism did not appear in East Malaysia overnight.

I do recall the controversy over plans to construct a statue of Mazu, the Chinese goddess of the sea, which was abandoned in 2006 following objections by the Muslim community, on the grounds the site was too near the town mosque.

In 2024, a petrol bomb was thrown at a KK Mart outlet in Kuching in the wake of the “Allah” socks controversy.

And just last month, there was an uproar over a concert by US gospel singer Israel Houghton, with his name and stance on Israel triggering sensitivities within the community.

How did this come to be? A change in demographic?

Sure, Sabah and Sarawak’s Malay population may have increased. Even so, the community’s attitude towards religion remains considerably more tolerant than that of its counterparts in Peninsular Malaysia.

But I blame the rapid spread of technology, most especially the Internet and social media.

Extremist views and fiery rhetoric can now be accessed around the clock, fuelling hatred and poisoning the younger generation.

Strict immigration controls are powerless against the digital penetration of extremist ideologies and divisive rhetoric.

Sabah and Sarawak risk losing their status as the last bastion of the Malaysian way of life envisioned by our forefathers.

At the risk of being ridiculed for saying so, I fear that within the next decade the two states could become just as consumed by racial and religious rhetoric as parts of Peninsular Malaysia are today.

But, despite my pessimistic outlook, all is not lost, yet.

The two East Malaysia states must look into retraining teachers of religion and history — two subjects that must integrate aspects of nation building.

History must be taught in a more inclusive manner: the contributions of every race and tribe should be acknowledged when speaking about the state and country’s development.

After all, there is a wealth of evidence to show how all races and faiths have contributed to Malaysia’s growth.

It is just a matter of having these contributions documented, preferably by a group of honest Malaysians who believe in the idea of a true Malaysia for all.

There are also ways to weave the values Islam teaches into the Rukun Negara while educating Muslims on how to coexist in a plural society.

Sabah and Sarawak have shown their autonomous streak in recognising the Unified Examination Certificate and maintaining English as the official language.

The two states should likewise use their autonomy to counter the growing influence of narrow and divisive worldviews.

Sabah and Sarawak stand as the final bastion of the Malaysian ideal envisioned by our forefathers, one built on mutual respect, coexistence and shared progress.

Sadly, Peninsular Malaysia is a lost cause since the malady it suffers from cannot be treated without severe backlash.

But if Sabah and Sarawak dilly-dally on this issue, even they will not escape the threats that race and religious extremism can bring.

And, this time, we won’t be able to pin the blame on politicians.

The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.

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