Rwanda’s costly Formula 1 gamble
Rwanda's President Paul Kagame speaks at a press conference as Formula One and Rwanda agree on a 10-year deal to host a race from the early 2030s, in Kigali, Rwanda, October 13, 2026.
Photo credit: REUTERS
Rwanda’s international airport, under construction before the Formula 1 deal, is expected to cost US$2.6 billion, up from US$1.5 billion. That is 17.3 per cent of the country’s 2024/25 GDP, according to an International Monetary Fund assessment published in August. The figure is the total project cost, not Rwanda’s direct public liability.
Rwanda has signed a 10-year agreement to host Formula 1, returning the championship to Africa for the first time since 1993. The proposed circuit in Bugesera will sit near the airport, with racing expected in the early 2030s.
It is tempting to see these investments as mutually reinforcing: the airport brings visitors, the Grand Prix fills hotels, and hotels attract investment. But when projects depend on the same expectations of future demand, they can multiply exposure to a downturn. The Grand Prix did not cause the airport’s rising costs; the concern is that both investments rely on forecasts of visitor growth.
Can Rwanda use an international sporting brand to create profitable markets, or will the state carry risks that have yet to be disclosed?
Sports Minister Nelly Mukazayire says Formula 1 preparations extend beyond the circuit to transport, accommodation, hospitality and skills. The government can draw on experience hosting the 2025 World Road Cycling Championships. Its National Strategy for Transformation II aims to create 1.25 million productive jobs by 2029.
Public-private partnership obligations
Yet Formula 1 is a different commercial proposition. A conference hires venues; a Grand Prix requires a specialised circuit, international technical standards and recurring obligations whether spectators arrive or not.
The airport illustrates the stakes. The IMF reports that Qatar Investment Authority holds 60 per cent of the project and the Rwandan government 40 per cent. It also identifies gaps in disclosure of public-private partnership obligations, including the airport’s omission from Rwanda’s fiscal risk statement.
This does not prove the circuit is a poor investment. Its construction budget, hosting fees and risk-sharing arrangements have not been publicly disclosed. An ownership stake alone does not reveal the government’s exposure to guarantees or future support.
But the unanswered questions matter. Who pays if ticket sales disappoint? Are investors exposed to losses or protected by government guarantees? Could slower visitor growth weaken airport traffic, hotel occupancy and circuit revenues simultaneously?
Singapore offers a warning against easy arithmetic. Its government estimates race organising costs averaged about S$140 million annually between 2022 and 2025, while the Grand Prix generated more than S$2.2 billion in additional tourism receipts between 2008 and 2024. Singapore also offers a lesson on local participation. An earlier government assessment found that companies based there secured more than 90 per cent of race-related subcontracted work. That figure shows where contracts went, but not how much value remained locally.
Rwanda should ask which domestic businesses can qualify for Formula 1 contracts. Capable engineering firms may lack the required performance bonds, while hospitality suppliers may struggle to finance large orders. International contractors may have supply chains that leave little room for newcomers.
Foreign operators
Procurement requirements should be published early enough for firms to prepare, while supplier assessments establish whether finance, technical standards or contract size pose genuine barriers.
This is the distinction between private sector participation and private sector-led development. A government can attract foreign operators while domestic firms remain at the margins, even if public finances bear some commercial risk. Awarding local contracts matters, but whether firms be-come stronger competitors afterwards matters more.
Rwanda need not develop every specialist capability domestically. Regional engineering, logistics and technical providers could partner with local firms and generate business beyond race week-end. But an African Grand Prix will not automatically create an African supply chain; accessible tenders and workable cross-border arrangements are essential.
Regional politics affect the commercial calculus. Allegations concerning Rwanda’s role in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, which Kigali disputes, may influence sponsors’ reputational decisions, investors’ required returns and the terms on which partners commit capital. Sporting prestige cannot remove those exposures.
Rwanda deserves credit for securing a place on Formula 1’s calendar. But winning a hosting agreement is not the same as creating a sustainable industry. The government should disclose its financial exposure and assess whether participating businesses become competitive beyond the event.
If returns fall short, who will be left holding the bill?
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Ms Kiambi is a strategic communications practitioner with an interest in private sector-led development, economic policy and institutional positioning in Africa. She writes in her personal capacity.
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