U.S. Democratic Party’s left wing hoping for its own ‘Tea Party’ moment in midterm surge

A resurgent American left is heading into November’s midterm elections hoping not merely to help Democrats recapture Congress, but to reshape the party that takes power.

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A string of wins in primaries — the contests in which parties choose their candidates — has drawn comparisons with the conservative Tea Party movement that emerged after Barack Obama’s 2008 election and pushed Republicans sharply rightward, paving the way for Donald Trump.

The analogy is imperfect, as today’s insurgents — ranging from democratic socialists to more conventional left-wing liberals — do not march under a single banner.

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Their numbers remain far smaller than the dozens of Tea Party-aligned Republicans swept into Congress in 2010.

But the insurgents are united by an impatience with party leaders, a focus on economic inequality and corporate power, and a belief that defeating Trump should be the beginning rather than the end of their ambitions.

Election forecaster Decision Desk HQ gives Democrats a 76 per cent chance of taking the House of Representatives and a slimmer advantage in the Senate.

In Senate primaries, leftists defeated establishment-backed rivals in Michigan and Minnesota and democratic socialist Angie Nixon stunned a heavily favoured opponent in Florida.

Five House candidates backed by the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) have won nominations in staunchly left-leaning districts, putting the group on course to grow from two members to seven.

Our Revolution, the organization that grew out of leftist icon Bernie Sanders’s presidential campaigns, says as many as 22 new allies could enter the House and six the Senate, though many face competitive races.

And seven sitting Democrats are set to lose their House seats after defeats in primaries, matching the highest total this century, with at least four falling to challengers from their left.

Our Revolution executive director Joseph Geevarghese argues that left-wing activists are supplying much of the energy behind a prospective Democratic victory — and will expect influence in return.

“We are not junior partners anymore,” he said in a statement. “If our movement delivers the majority, leadership is going to have to earn our votes.”

A September survey of 1,500 Our Revolution members illustrates the mood of that activist base, although it is not representative of the wider electorate.

Ninety-two per cent said confronting “oligarchy” and corruption should be a priority for a Democratic Congress, while 85 per cent backed universal government-run health insurance.

A larger left-wing bloc could give Democratic leaders reliable votes against Trump — or use its numbers to demand greater influence over legislation, committee assignments and the party’s leadership itself.

That leverage would be greatest in a narrowly divided House, where the speaker is elected by the full chamber and a handful of holdouts can extract concessions.

House Democratic leader Hakeem Jeffries, in line to become speaker, has said he does not support the DSA’s agenda but that its primary winners would be part of a broad Democratic caucus.

Our Revolution has criticized him over his stance on universal health care and his ties to tech, crypto and pro-Israel donors, warning that activists will not simply “rubber stamp the old order.”

Florida Democratic congressman Jared Moskowitz voiced the establishment’s unease. “They could turn out to be our Freedom Caucus,” he told National Review, referring to the right-wing faction that has repeatedly tormented Republican House leaders.

In the Senate, Democratic leader Chuck Schumer has watched preferred candidates lose primaries to challengers from his left.

At least four of the party’s Senate nominees have said they will not back him for leader, although no rival has launched a bid to replace him.

There are risks for the left too.

The Tea Party’s breakthrough year saw several of its nominees lose Senate races Republicans had expected to win, and a poor November showing by high-profile left-wing candidates would strengthen moderates who argue that ideological ambition costs the party winnable seats.

“Our party has a socialism problem,” centrist Pennsylvania senator John Fetterman — an outspoken opponent of leftist fellow Democrats, particularly those who criticize Israel — told a talk radio show in August.

“I’ll be the one Democrat that calls it for what it is,” he added, “and not use the euphemism that it’s a big-tent situation.”

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