Kelly McParland: Is this the most self-serving snap election in history?

The next few weeks may be among the most consequential Canada has faced in many years, perhaps in decades.
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A future that was already rife with uncertainty faces a set of events of which the consequences are as potentially far-reaching as they are unpredictable.
On Oct. 5 Quebec will hold an election to choose a government in place of the struggling Coalition Avenir Québec. While its lead has been weakening, the Parti Québécois still appears most likely to emerge as the winner with its pledge to hold yet another referendum on independence. Two weeks later Alberta will hold its own vote on a set of questions that include the possibility of a future referendum on whether it, too, should consider leaving Confederation.
Looming over both these decisions are the Nov. 3 mid-term elections in the U.S., which will decide whether the Trump administration is able to continue its global rampage of destruction and disruption or face a Congress more willing and able to try and put a brake on it.
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Each of these represents potential dangers for Canada and Canadians. Taken together they constitute an immense challenge to sort out what kind of future the country can expect when so many of the decisions rest on events over which we have limited control.
Into this cauldron of confusion, British Columbia’s New Democratic Party government is adding yet another risky venture. Though Premier David Eby is just two years into his mandate and faces no serious threat to his authority, he has called a snap election in hopes of catching opponents off guard.
The possibility of a vote has nothing to do with offering stable, steady government in turbulent times, and everything to do with cynical, self-serving politics by a government hoping to exploit a chance opportunity to serve its own interests. Eby’s NDP came within a hair’s breadth of defeat in 2024 when disenchanted voters elevated the previously moribund Conservative party to within three seats of power. Only a quick accord with the Green party let Eby cling to office, followed by an internal war among Conservatives that has since granted Eby a level of certainty voters clearly had no intention of providing.
B.C.’s Conservatives have shown themselves to be wholly unprepared for the opportunity that was handed them. Leader John Rustad was forced out by a caucus rebellion a year ago. Kerry-Lynne Findlay was named his successor in May, only to announce her own resignation on Sunday after a growing crowd of members fled the caucus in response to her leadership style. Clearly excited by the opportunity, Eby quickly made clear he saw the Tory troubles as a chance to drag the province through a gratuitous and costly campaign.
New Democrats argue they need a reinforced mandate to deal with the dangers of the Trump administration — even if it’s possible those dangers could be lessened by a Democratic success in the midterms. Waiting for those results before making any rash moves might have been the more responsible track to take, but could also lessen Eby’s hopes of strengthening his own hold on his job. He also needs the spectre of Trump to divert attention from his own record, which has been unimpressive to say the least.
A risky experiment in drug decriminalization proved both ineffective and widely unpopular, and was abandoned in January after months of complaints about crime and public drug use. The province’s once-solid financial record has eroded sharply under an explosion of borrowing and spending, rising inflation, tepid growth and rising unemployment. “The speed at which B.C.’s finances have deteriorated over the past five years is really quite extraordinary,” David Williams of the B.C. Business Council recently complained.
Relations with Indigenous groups are increasingly fraught, the vital forestry industry is in crisis from tariffs and wildfire seasons have become an annual emergency. “It’s pretty clear to me that British Columbians sent us, sent me, a strong message that we need to do better,” Eby confessed in the wake of the 2024 election. Instead he’s looking at another bid to shore up his limpid popularity, two years before the next election is due.
It never does to underestimate the cupidity of politicians when their job is on the line. Former prime minister Justin Trudeau sought to exploit the COVID pandemic in 2021 by sending the country to the polls just two years after winning a minority, only to be returned with a near-identical result and a further tarnishing of his personal standing. Ontario Premier Doug Ford was more successful when he tried a similar gambit last year, gaining a third majority by calling an early vote at a time the Liberals were on their third leader in six years and down to just nine seats in a 124-seat legislature.
Ford wasn’t as unpopular as Trudeau was then, and Eby is now. It’s no stretch to argue the only reason the NDP is still B.C.’s governing party is the absence of a credible opponent. For many years the province’s centre-right Liberal party represented a formidable force that tempered the dangers of an unbridled left-wing regime like Eby’s that feels free of the need to temper its worst instincts. Unfortunately the Liberals lost their will to live, the replacement B.C. United party slid to a quick demise and the unsteady Conservatives were left to fight on alone, poorly equipped as they were.
It’s possible that with time a revived opposition could emerge. There will certainly be public pressure to get its act in order. Eby hopes to avoid facing any resistance at public expense. His willingness to place his personal interest above those of the province is as powerful a reason as any to feel repelled by his plan.
National Post
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